1] To the People of the State of New York:  When the people of America reflect that they are now called upon to decide a question, which, in its consequences, must prove one of the most important ...
... that ever engaged their attention, the propriety of their taking a very comprehensive, as well as a very serious, view of it, will be evident.  Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government, and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted, the people must cede to it some of their natural rights in order to vest it with requisite powers. It is well worthy of consideration therefore, whether it would conduce more to the interest of the people of America that they should, to all general purposes, be one nation, under one federal government, or that they should divide themselves into separate confederacies, and give to the head of each the same kind of powers which they are advised to place in one national government.  It has until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion that the prosperity of the people of America depended on their continuing firmly united, and the wishes, prayers, and efforts of our best and wisest citizens have been constantly directed to that object. But politicians now appear, who insist that this opinion is erroneous, and that instead of looking for safety and happiness in union, we ought to seek it in a division of the States into distinct confederacies or sovereignties. However extraordinary this new doctrine may appear, it nevertheless has its advocates; and certain characters who were much opposed to it formerly, are at present of the number. Whatever may be the arguments or inducements which have wrought this change in the sentiments and declarations of these gentlemen, it certainly would not be wise in the people at large to adopt these new political tenets without being fully convinced that they are founded in truth and sound policy.  This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties.  Similar sentiments have hitherto prevailed among all orders and denominations of men among us. To all general purposes we have uniformly been one people each individual citizen everywhere enjoying the same national rights, privileges, and protection. As a nation we have made peace and war; as a nation we have vanquished our common enemies; as a nation we have formed alliances, and made treaties, and entered into various compacts and conventions with foreign states.  I am persuaded in my own mind that the people have always thought right on this subject, and that their universal and uniform attachment to the cause of the Union rests on great and weighty reasons, which I shall endeavor to develop and explain in some ensuing papers. They who promote the idea of substituting a number of distinct confederacies in the room of the plan of the convention, seem clearly to foresee that the rejection of it would put the continuance of the Union in the utmost jeopardy. That certainly would be the case, and I sincerely wish that it may be as clearly foreseen by every good citizen, that whenever the dissolution of the Union arrives, America will have reason to exclaim, in the words of the poet: “FAREWELL! A LONG FAREWELL TO ALL MY GREATNESS.” The Federalist No. 2, “Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence,” John Jay, October 31, 1787  Mr. Speaker, I am grateful that you agreed to the recall of Parliament to debate the hideous and foul events in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania that took place on Tuesday, September 11.  I thought it particularly important in view of the fact that these attacks were not just attacks upon people and buildings, nor even merely upon the United States of America; these were attacks on the basic democratic values in which we all believe so passionately and on the civilized world. It is therefore right that Parliament, the fount of our own democracy, makes its democratic voice heard.  There will be different shades of opinion heard today. That, again, is as it should be, but let us unite in agreeing this: what happened in the United States on Tuesday was an act of wickedness for which there can never be justification. Whatever the cause, whatever the perversion of religious feeling, whatever the political belief, to inflict such terror on the world, to take the lives of so many innocent and defenseless men, women and children can never be justified.  Let us unite too with the vast majority of decent people throughout the world in sending our condolences to the government and the people of America. They are our friends and allies. We the British are a people who stand by our friends in time of need, trial and tragedy, and we do so without hesitation now.  The events are now sickeningly familiar to us. Starting at 8:45 a.m. United States time, two hijacked planes were flown straight into the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York. Shortly afterwards, at 9:43, another hijacked plane was flown into the Pentagon in Washington. At 10:05, the first tower collapsed; at 10:28, the second; later, another building at the World Trade Center. The heart of New York's financial district was devastated: carnage, death and injury everywhere. At around 10:30, we heard reports that a fourth hijacked aircraft had crashed south of Pittsburgh.  I should like, on behalf of the British people, to express our admiration for the selfless bravery of the New York and American emergency services, many of whom lost their lives.  As we speak, the total death toll is still unclear, but it amounts to several thousands. Because the World Trade Center was the home of many big financial firms, and because many of their employees are British, whoever committed these acts of terrorism will have murdered at least 100 British citizens, maybe many more. Murder of British people in New York is no different in nature from their murder in the heart of Britain itself. In the most direct sense, therefore, we have not just an interest, but an obligation to bring those responsible to account.  To underline the scale of the loss that we are talking about, we can think back to some of the appalling tragedies that this House has spoken of in the recent past. We recall the grief aroused by the tragedy at Lockerbie, in which 270 people were killed, 44 of them British. In Omagh, the last terrorist incident to lead to a recall of Parliament, 29 people lost their lives. Each life lost was a tragedy. Each one of those events was a nightmare for our country. But the death toll that we are confronting here is of a different order. In the Falklands War, 255 British servicemen perished. During the Gulf War, we lost 47. In this case, we are talking about a tragedy of epoch-making proportions.  As the scale of this calamity becomes clearer, I fear that there will be many a community in our country where heart-broken families are grieving the loss of a loved one. I have asked the Secretary of State to ensure that everything that they need by way of practical support is being done.  We know a good deal about many terror groups. But, as a world, we have not been effective at dealing with them. And, of course, it is difficult. We are democratic; they are not. We have respect for human life; they do not. We hold essentially liberal values; they do not. As we look into these issues, it is important that we never lose sight of our basic values. But we have to understand the nature of the enemy and act accordingly.  Civil liberties are a vital part of our country and of our world. But the most basic liberty of all is the right of ordinary citizens to go about their business free from fear or terror. That liberty has been denied in the cruellest way imaginable to the passengers aboard the hijacked planes, to those who perished in the trade towers and the Pentagon, and to the hundreds of rescue workers killed as they tried to help.  So we need to look once more nationally and internationally at extradition laws and the mechanisms for international justice. We need to look at how these terrorist groups are financed and their money laundered, and at the links between terror and crime. We need to frame a response that will work and will hold internationally. This form of terror knows no mercy and no pity, and it knows no boundaries.  Let us make this reflection. A week ago, anyone who suggested that terrorists would kill thousands of innocent people in downtown New York would have been dismissed as alarmist. But it happened. We know that these groups are fanatical, capable of killing without discrimination. The limits on the numbers that they kill and their methods of killing are not governed by morality. The limits are only practical or technical. We know that they would, if they could, go further and use chemical, biological or even nuclear weapons of mass destruction. We know also that there are groups or people, occasionally states, who trade the technology and capability for such weapons. It is time that that trade was exposed, disrupted and stamped out. We have been warned by the events of September 11. We should act on the warning.  So there is a great deal to do and many details to be filled in. Much careful work must be undertaken over the coming days, weeks and months. We need to mourn the dead and then act to protect the living. Terrorism has taken on a new and frightening aspect. The people perpetrating it wear the ultimate badge of the fanatic. They are prepared to commit suicide in pursuit of their beliefs. Our beliefs are the very opposite of those of the fanatics. We believe in reason, democracy and tolerance.  Those beliefs are the foundation of our civilized world. They are enduring; they have served us well. History has shown that we have been prepared to fight, when necessary, to defend them. But the fanatics should know that we hold those beliefs as strongly as they hold theirs. Now is the time to show it. Courtesy of the Parliamentary Archives Which theme is evident in both passages?
A. the importance of national identity
B. the sovereignty of the federal government
C. the importance of uniting for a common cause
D. the value of remaining steadfast in the face of danger
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